The reason it’s important to look at the question of fascism today is the alarming rise of the right internationally.
If we look to Europe, we see the success of parties such as France’s Front National under the leadership of Marine LePen, It has taken to mainstream parliamentary politics but it is building its popularity in the main on anti-Muslim racism and its roots are in Holocaust denial. The last decade has seen the emergence of two “pure” fascist organisations, complete with street squads and openly anti-Semitic, as well as being anti-immigrant and anti-refugee: Golden Dawn in Greece and Jobbik in Hungary. This raises fears of a repeat of the 1930s: abolition of democracy, scrapping of civil liberties and a wave of racist terror.
To stop fascism we need to know what it is, where it comes from, and how to fight it. The Russian Revolutionary Leon Trotsky, who was living in exile in Turkey during the rise of fascism in Germany, wrote in great detail about what he saw happening. These writings remain critical to today.
Economic crisis and the rise of fascism
Fascism cannot fundamentally be explained by referring to the inherent racism of human beings, although it definitely uses the tools of racism, anti-Semitism, homophobia and extreme nationalism to build its street-fighting cadre. Fascism is actually an outgrowth of capitalism itself. Capitalism is a system prone to cyclical crises, which throws vast numbers of ordinary people into unemployment, despair and worse. But the system also presents problems for big capital, in the sense that their system isn’t working anymore. It’s not providing them with the profit levels they previously experienced in the boom periods of capitalism.
The most fundamental cause of the rise of fascism in the 1930s was the international economic crisis triggered by the stock market crash in the US. In Germany the process was especially violent and anarchic. None of the traditional parties of the Weimar Republic, including the social democratic SPD, seemed able to deal with the crisis. In an atmosphere of mounting chaos, the Nazi Party was able to present itself to the swelling ranks of the desperate and disoriented as the movement which had what others lacked: the energy and courage to impose drastic solutions.
If capitalists become desperate enough they look to a political answer that can ‘discipline’ the vast majority, that is, the working class, and that can smash working class organization, which is really the main bulwark against fascism. Fascism orients to the petit bourgeoisie, the middle classes – small business owners, petty functionaries who are squeezed between capital (the bourgeoisie-the owners of the means of production on a large scale) and the working class—and creates a street fighting mass movement, autonomous from the existing state but serving big capital.
As Trotsky explained in an article entitled National Socialism, one year after Hitler’s coming to power: “German fascism, like the Italian, raised itself to power on the backs of the petty bourgeoisie, which it turned into a battering ram against the working class and the institutions of democracy. But fascism in power is least of all the rule of the petty bourgeoisie. On the contrary, it is the most ruthless dictatorship of monopolist capital. Fascism succeeded in placing them in the service of capital. Such slogans as state control of trusts and the elimination of illegitimate profits were thrown overboard immediately on the assumption of power.”
Another world was possible
Trotsky’s writings were in part a polemic with the German Communist Party of the time, which was following the dictates of Stalin. Stalin argued that the Social Democrats, the SPD, were just as bad as the fascists – that they were “social fascists” – and that the KPD (German Communist Party) should not try and make alliances with them to fight Hitler. The SPD leadership were indeed weak and vacillating and put up very little fight against the rise of Hitler, but this ignored the millions of German workers inside the SPD who could have been galvanized in a united fight with members of the KPD, had the KPD leadership not been so sectarian.
The situation was all the more tragic since it was not inevitable that Hitler came to power. In the 1920s Germany had the most powerful trade union movement in the world, the largest Social Democratic Party and the largest Communist Party outside Russia. Adolf Hitler commanded few forces outside Bavaria and was widely regarded as a joke. But the economic crisis did not go away. Unemployment rose from 1.3 million in 1929, rising to over 6 million at the start of 1933.
During this whole period from 1928 until the eventual takeover by Hitler in 1933 Trotsky wrote furiously from exile, arguing primarily with the German Communist Party, that it was possible to stop the rise of Hitler, if they would only abandon the ludicrous position of calling the SPD social fascists and form a United Front with the SPD leadership and thereby the millions of workers who were members of the party. In that way there was at least the possibility of confronting the rise of fascism, both physically in the streets and ideologically through puncturing the racist, anti-worker, elitist politics the Nazis represented.
Through being the most vigilant fighters against fascism they would also be able to expose the collaborationist and weak Social Democratic leadership for what they were and put forward a compelling argument that the only way to end fascism finally would be to replace capitalism with a socialist society where the wealth would be owned and controlled by workers themselves—not by a parasitical ruling class who would open the door to the Hitlers and Mussolinis, if it seemed the only way to save their system and their profits.
Trotsky argues that it’s by no means inevitable that the middle classes will fall behind the fascists. It depends, he argues, on the balance of class forces. Had the German working class and its organizations been able to create a united front willing to take on the Nazis and to move towards the possibility of creating a better society, the middle class could have been pulled alongside them—as happened in 1871 Paris Commune and the 1917 Russian Revolution.
Unfortunately this did not happen. Trotsky, isolated as he was (having been expelled by Stalin in 1927) and exiled, had no organization that could put his ideas to the test of practice. But his ideas, and the lessons of history, are increasingly relevant today.
Fighting racism and fascism today
The re-emergence of fascist organizations like Golden Dawn and Jobbik, and the electoral success of a party like the National Front in France remind us of the dangers of fascism rearing its ugly head once again. Likewise, the climate of Islamophobia and anti-immigrant racism that we see being stoked in Europe and here in North America must be fought against.
The recent election of Donald Trump is one of the more troubling signs of something not being ‘right’ in the body politic. It is important not to underestimate the threat represented by the normalization of racist, xenophobic language and violence against non-whites, immigrant or native. We need to promote the widest possible movement to defend rights and resist Trump at every turn, or, here in Canada, right-wing politicians like Kellie Leitch, who has had extreme right wing racists appearing where she speaks.
But it’s equally important to insist that Trump and Leitch are not fascists. Right wing populism, racism and sexism do not equate to a movement bent on destroying working class organizations. Trump is a symptom of the disorientation in the US ruling class but he doesn’t have his own independent street fighting organization capable of demolishing democratic institutions or mobilizing against every collective working class expression.
If we use the term fascism to include right-wing politicians like Trump and Leitch, it becomes a catch-all category for right-wing, racist authoritarianism that risks blinding us to the real thing, should it arise. It also serves to write off those sections of workers who may be attracted, to whatever degree, by right wing populism in the absence of a more progressive pole of attraction.
None of this means we should not be opposing the far right and the fascists at every turn; we can’t afford to be complacent in the face of fascist organizing. But when we take them on we need to ensure that the largest possible numbers are there from a broad range of organizations: churches, trade unions, student organizations, Muslim organizations, disability rights organizations, women’s organizations, etc.
At the moment the vast majority of people in society are opposed to what fascists represent. Those people can be mobilized in their own defence and the defence of the rights of their neighbours. In the current climate Muslims are a particular target of fascist and right wing organizing and we need to be cognizant of that as well. The danger is we move from recognizing a degree of polarisation in society—benefitting the right in the main, but also the radical left—to vastly inflating the immediate threat of the far right and fascism.
We still have the possibility to organize and resist. The rebuilding of a grass-roots movement that can take on Trump, Leitch and the ugly but still tiny shoots of real fascism that have appeared in their wake and the reality of failing capitalism, is urgent. We can see evidence of this organizing in the Jan 21st women’s marches across the globe, including here in Toronto, the thousands that protested Trump’s Muslim travel ban at airports across the US, the Fight for 15 & Fairness campaigns that have organized low-paid workers (often women & workers of colour) in the US and Canada, the Black Lives Matter protests, the spontaneous vigils outside mosques in the east end of Toronto to defend Muslims’ right to practice their religion.
These efforts can push back on racist right-wing politicians like Trump and Leitch. This will also have the effect of making it that much harder for the real Nazi scum to raise their ugly heads.